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EarthWINS Daily #3.48
1/12/98

Date: Mon, 12 Jan 1998 18:47:42 -0800 (PST)
From: Alice McCombs <amccombs@igc.apc.org>

Contents

1. WISCONSIN: Let's Keep Wisconsin God's Country
2. Another Sweetheart Deal for Oil/Gas
3. Indonesia: 1998, A Year of Living Precariously
4. Top Story of 1997 - Planet in Flames
5. URGENT ALERT:   Roadless Directive Exemptions
6. Sample Letters To Congress On Proposed ESA Legislation

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1. WISCONSIN: Let's Keep Wisconsin God's Country

Jan. 12, 1998

By Tom Ward
Box 795
Crandon, WI  54520
715-478-2384

Dear Editor:   Re: Let's Keep Wisconsin God's Country

The proposal by Exxon/Rio Algom, Ltd. of Canada (Crandon Mining Co.) to
build a deep shaft metallic sulfide mine in the heart of Wisconsin's
wetlands, at the headwaters of our beautiful Wolf River is outrageous! To
stop this outrage it is imperative that the citizens of this state call
their State Assembly Representative and demand passage of the upcoming
Mining Moratorium Bill (SB 3) WITHOUT AMENDMENTS. The vote is scheduled
January 22, 1998.

WITHOUT AMENDMENTS IS VERY IMPORTANT

The remainder of Wisconsin's fresh water supply cannot be left in the hands
of political leaders who will try to amend SB 3; thus giving Exxon/Rio
Algom Ltd. of Canada permission to pollute! I am referring to political
leaders such as Governer Thompson, Rep. Marc Duff and Rep. Lorraine Seratti
to name a few. Governor Thompson says: "The DNR will protect you!" (it's a
joke! The head of the DNR is a Thompson appointee!). The DNR says: "Our
strict state mining laws will protect you!" (not true; our state mining
laws are filled with exemptions and loop holes that favor sulfide mining).
Rep. Duff likes to compare the open pit Ladysmith with Exxon's proposed
deep shaft mine (apples and oranges). Rep. Seratti says, "Don't worry we
will provide an escrow fund for future acid mine drainage cleanup
(outrageous). It goes on and on; the future of Wisconsin's fresh water
supply is too vital an issue to be left in the hands of those who are
looking to Exxon for financial gain.

Please call 1-800-362-9477; find out who your State Assembly Representative
is and urge support of the Mining Moratorium Bill SB 3 WITHOUT ANY
AMENDMENTS. Let's keep Wisconsin God's Country."

Sincerely,

Tom Ward

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2. Another Sweetheart Deal for Oil/Gas

cbesf                            env.justice               4:07 PM  Jan 12, 1998
(at igc.org)

EPA MODIFIES SUBSTANCE AND THRESHOLD LEVELS UNDER UNDER
CLEAN AIR ACT 112(r)

SWEETHEART DEAL WILL "REDUCE REGULATORY BURDEN ON OIL/GAS PRODUCTION"
ACCORDING TO EPA!

FOR RELEASE:   FRIDAY, JANUARY 9, 1998

>On Dec. 18, 1997, under a settlement agreement with the Institute of
>Makers of Explosives and the American Petroleum Institute, EPA
>modified the lists of substances and associated threshold quantities
>that determine who must comply with section 112(r) of the Clean Air
>Act (otherwise known as the Risk Management Program).

 EPA expects that this action will clarify compliance with Clean Air Act
>112(r) and reduce unnecessary regulatory burden for affected industry
>sectors such as oil/gas exploration and production facilities.

This action modifies the existing list of substances and thresholds found in 50
>CFR 4478.  As part of this new final rule modifying 112(r), certain
>explosives already listed as Division 1.1 explosives by the Department
>of Transportation (and regulated as such) will be deleted from the
>existing list.  Regulated flammable substances in gasoline used as
>fuel and in naturally occurring hydrocarbon mixtures prior to initial
>processing will now be exempted from threshold quantity determination.
>The rule also modifies the definition of "stationary source" to
>clarify the exemption of:  1) transportation, and 2) storage incident
>to transportation.  The provisions for threshold determination of
>flammable substances in mixtures is also clarified by this rule.

 For more information contact the RCRA/Superfund Hotline at 1-800-424-9346.
>Information will also be available on the Internet at
>http://www.epa.gov/swercepp.

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3. Indonesia: 1998, A Year of Living Precariously

Sender: owner-imap@CHUMBLY.MATH.MISSOURI.EDU
Date: Sun, 4 Jan 98 14:13:09 CST
From: rich@pencil.wiscnet.net (Rich Winkel)
Organization: PACH

/** reg.easttimor: 578.0 **/
** Topic: TAPOL'S NEW YEAR'S MESSAGE FOR 1998 **
** Written  4:10 AM  Dec 31, 1997 by gn:tapol in cdp:reg.easttimor **
From: tapol@gn.apc.org (Tapol)

TAPOL'S NEW YEAR STATEMENT
1998, A Year of Living Precariously

The Suharto regime is entering 1998 in a state of profound crisis,
unprecedented in the regime's 32-year history. During the past twelve
months, the regime has suffered a number of political and economic disasters
and its international reputation has been irreparably damaged. But as the
regime approaches its collapse, it will do its utmost to cling on to power
by reinforcing its apparatus of repression.

The escalation of repression in occupied East Timor since the award of the
Nobel Prize to Bishop Belo and Ramos-Horta in December 1996 has exposed the
regime to unprecendented scrutiny and condemnation at all levels of the
international community.

1997, a year of escalating political and economic crisis

For the first time since Suharto took power, the general election in May
1997, the sixth to be held under Suharto's New Order, was exposed to the
world as a sham. The enforced removal of Megawati Sukarnoputri as chair of
the PDI in 1996 and the bloody assault on the party's head office on 27 July
provoked nationwide indignation and worldwide condemnation. More than 20
million people turned their backs on the event by refusing to take part. The
forces of democracy succeeded in turning this attempt to legitimise the
regime into a mockery. There is growing support within civil society for an
end to the army's dual function, the repeal of the corporatist political
laws of 1985, and an end to the authoritarian Suharto regime that has ruled
the country since 1965.

Outbursts of social unrest across Java, in West Kalimantan and Bandjarmasin
reveal the extent to which the New Order regime has stifled channels for the
democratic resolution of economic and social conflicts. In many cases, the
security forces were themselves targetted by local communities incensed by
economic changes imposed from above in total disregard for people's basic
interests and needs. The many attacks on police command posts reflect
widespread revulsion for this arm of the armed forces in its role as the
advanced guard, defending corrupt local government officials.

For nearly six months, forest fires raged in Kalimantan and Sumatra,
destroying at least one and a half million hectares of tropical forest and
caused a deadly smog to blanket large areas of Indonesia and the region of
South East Asia. Timber companies which enjoy the protection of the regime
were clearly identified as the culprits. The fires also exposed the regime
to intense international condemnation for its failure to respond with
effective measures and its disregard for the human misery caused by the
calamity.

In July, the Indonesian economy was plunged into a grave monetary and
economic crisis, the repercussions of which are likely to endure for many
years. The 'economic miracle' so highly praised by western governments,
financiers and investors has suddenly ground to a halt. For years,
Indonesian people were led to believe that economic development - 7 percent
annual growth and the much vaunted elimination of poverty - would promote
the nation's prosperity and that the sacrifice of basic democratic rights
was a price worth paying. As the myth crumbles, the regime's claim to
legitimacy has come under renewed challenge.

The economy was brought to its knees by crippling foreign debts doled out to
the private sector, especially to politically well-connected companies and
banks. The foreign influx of capital was used primarily for projects
unrelated to people's welfare, for speculative property ventures and
prestige projects. The fifty per cent fall in the value of the rupiah since
the crisis began has caused disarray in the private sector, resulting in
bankruptcies and layoffs. Prices of basic commodities have risen sharply,
driving millions already on the poverty line to destitution. Heavy cutbacks
in the construction and manufacturing sectors have already thrown hundreds
of thousands out of work; the level of unemployment is set to rise in all
parts of the country.

A bailout worth $38 billion, announced in October by the International
Monetary Fund, has failed to stop the rot caused largely by uninhibited
capital accumulation by the extended Suharto Family and their cronies, by a
corrupt and self-serving banking system, and a system of monopolies
protected by the bureaucracy. Virtually all Indonesian economists agree that
collusion, corruption and nepotism lie at the heart of the crisis.

The crisis has been further aggravated by prolonged drought that has led to
falling living standards in the Javanese countryside and famine in other
islands. The drought has taken a particularly heavy toll in West Papua where
up to a thousand people are estimated to have died since July and a quarter
of a million villagers are at risk from starvation and famine-related
diseases. The bitter irony is that while the death toll rises inexorably
because of the lack of aircraft to deliver urgently needed relief supplies,
the Freeport/Rio Tinto copper-and-gold mine continues to extract millions of
dollars in profits for the US and UK based companies and for Nusamba, a
company which is run for Suharto by one of his closest business associates,
Bob Hasan.

Prospects for 1998

The security forces have already been placed on high alert in anticipation
of political unrest leading up to the March session of the MPR at which
Suharto will be appointed to serve a seventh term as president. Uncertainty
about the dictator's state of health and the veil of secrecy over moves to
appoint his vice-president and likely successor are symptomatic of the
political morbidity of the regime. A country of two hundred million people
ia being held to ransom at a moment of grave crisis as Suharto plots and
schemes, pondering his options in order to safeguard his personal wealth and
the continuation of authoritarian military rule. The most striking aspect of
the political scene in Indonesia today is the deep chasm between the open
clamour in civil society for change from top to bottom and the paralysis
within elite circles with no one daring to challenge an ailing, greedy and
power-hungry dictator to step down. As the New Order struggles with its own
internal convulsions, civil society is turning its thoughts to the
post-Suharto era when political structures will have to be overhauled and
the basis for a genuine democratic state will have to be laid.

Not satisfied with the array of special powers already in his hands, Suharto
has demanded that the MPR re-instate special emergency powers that he felt
confident enough to relinquish ten years ago.

Events during the past year have shown that the New Order regime has lost
control of people's thoughts and actions; its credibility is at an all-time
low. The worsening economic crisis can only accelerate the process.

Corporatist management of society was first challenged six years ago by the
independent trade union, the SBSI, which has survived despite persistent
harassment. Two years later, journalists created the Alliance of Independent
Journalists, AJI which has become a major source of alternative reporting.
Megawati's election in 1993 to chair one of the three officially-endorsed
political parties leading to her removal three years later, was followed by
courageous initiatives to set up alternative political parties, first the
Peoples Democratic Party, PRD, then the Indonesian Democratic Unity Party,
the PUDI.

Leaders of all these alternative political organisations, having affirmed
their right to exist in accordance with the universal freedoms of
association and expression, have been or are now serving heavy sentences or
facing trial. Until 1996, the regime made do with laws about 'sowing hatred'
or 'showing contempt for the head of state' to secure convictions. But in
the past year, the draconian anti-subversion law which carries a maximum
penalty of death has been taken out of the closet and used on a scale
unequalled since the post-1965 show trials which were staged to destroy the
Indonesian Communist Party and its millions of followers.

Today, people are facing subversion charges not only for setting up
alternative parties but even for disseminating leaflets or for being
grassroots NGO activists. The slightest expression of criticism by anyone
with a political following is now branded as subversion.

On the labour front, strikes and disputes were running at a rate of three a
day even before the economic crisis struck. The level of unrest can only
escalate as redundancies begin to bite, wage levels are frozen, unemployment
soars and traditional holiday bonuses fail to materialise at a time of
falling living standards.

East Timor

As Bishop Belo has stated on a number of occasions, the level of repression
in East Timor  worsened dramatically during 1997. The crackdown has extended
also to East Timorese students in Java. But the very structures created by
the forces of occupation are turning against their masters, even including
privileged East Timorese who became members of the local or national
assemblies or senior officials in the puppet administration.

The meeting last July between Nelson Mandela and the jailed leader of the
East Timoresr resistance leader, Xanana Gusmao, greatly enhanced the
reputation of the resistance internationally. In an attempt to turn the tide
of public opinion, the forces of occupation are now trying to brand the
resistance as 'terrorist' on the basis of unsubstantiated reports about the
killing of civilians, who almost certainly died at the hands of the occupiers.

Yet despite the strength of international support for East Timor and strong
pleading from Mandela, Suharto and the armed forces show no signs yet of
making even minimum concessions. It is becoming increasingly obvious that
radical change in East Timor is dependent on fundamental political change in
Indonesia, ushering in a democratic system of government. The looming crisis
in Indonesia is the best hope for fundamental change in East Timor.

1998, a year of living precariously

For human rights activists around the world, the coming year is likely to
see dramatic changes in Indonesia which will require more actions to support
the pro-democracy forces and further enhance Indonesia's reputation under
Suharto's rule as a pariah state.

There are two possible scenarios. The changes could be peaceful, paving the
way for a civilian takeover. They could however be violent should Suharto
die in office, leading to conflict between the vice-president who will
automatically take power and military circles unhappy with the new
dispensation. This would bring in its wake more state violence and human
rights abuses, even possibly a bloodbath.

1998 will be especially significant for TAPOL which celebrates its 25th
anniversary in August. We are looking forward to a year of greater activity
than ever, alongside solidarity groups around the world. We hope in
particular that the solidarity movement for East Timor will broaden its
horizons to encompass solidarity for the pro-democracy movement in
Indonesia. The two are human rights issues which are inextricably linked.

London, 31 December 1997

** End of text from cdp:reg.easttimor **

***************************************************************************
This material came from PeaceNet, a non-profit progressive networking
service.  For more information, send a message to peacenet-info@igc.apc.org
***************************************************************************

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4. Top Story of 1997 - Planet in Flames

Date: Sun, 4 Jan 98 00:10:19 CST
From: Mark Graffis <ab758@virgin.usvi.net>

   Posted to the web: Wed Dec 31 19:23:14 EST 1997

   LONDON, England, December 31, 1997 (ENS) - In 1997, more tropical
   forest burned around the world than at any other time in recorded
   history, according to a report released this month by the World Wide
   Fund for Nature (WWF). "The Year the World Caught Fire" by Nigel
   Dudley and Jean-Paul Jeanrenaud says that at least 5 million hectares
   of forests and other land burned in Indonesia and Brazil, along with
   vast areas of Papua New Guinea, Colombia, Peru, Tanzania, Kenya,
   Rwanda, Congo and other parts of Africa. Elsewhere in the world, large
   scale fires burned in several Mediterranean countries, Australia,
   Russia and China.

   Fire in Australia

      Fire devours Australian forest

   "1997 will be remembered as the year the world caught fire," said
   Jeanrenaud, Head of the Forest Programme at WWF International
   Secretariat in London. "Although the fires in Indonesia grabbed the
   headlines, large-scale fires have raged on every continent and new
   figures show just in the Brazilian Amazon forest fires have increased
   by more than 50 per cent over 1996. The wide spread of these fires is
   a clear indication that forest fire management is in a state of crisis
   around the world."

   Another report released in December by the Brazilian congressional
   committee investigating Asian logging companies estimates that the
   Amazon rainforest is being lost at a rate of 20,000 square miles a
   year, more than three times the rate of 1994, the last year for which
   official figures are available. Approximately 12 percent of the 2
   million-square-mile wilderness is gone.

   "If nothing is done, the entire Amazon will be gone within 50 years,"
   said the report's author, Representative Gilney Vianna of the Worker's
   Party in the Amazon state of Mato Grosso. Vianna is demanding a 10
   year moratorium on burning and logging in the Amazon.

   Many of the world's fires did not start by accident. Most were set
   deliberately, and often illegally, to clear land for planting, to
   cover up illegal logging and sometimes to open up land for
   development.

   The WWF report says the fires were worse this year partly because of
   the century's most severe El Nino weather event, which has caused
   prolonged droughts over much of the planet. El Nino events are growing
   more frequent and severe, possibly as a result of pollution-induced
   climate change. The forest fires are turning previously moist forests
   into drier habitats, that burn more easily. Carbon dioxide and other
   gases released from fires add to the greenhouse effect.

   "We are creating a vicious circle of destruction, where increased
   fires are both a result of changes in the weather and a contributory
   factor to these changes," said Jeanrenaud.

   In Australia, the Australian Conservation Foundation (ACF) claims that
   the current devastating bushfires in New South Wales provide a lesson
   about the potential future impacts of global warming in Australia. ACF
   spokesperson Peter Kinrade says that the El Nino-related climatic
   conditions that have led to these bushfires are the sort of conditions
   that are likely to become more prevalent in eastern Australia in the
   next century.

   This year's fires in Indonesia and other parts of Southeast Asia have
   set peat deposits on fire and these will remain burning deep
   underground for months or even years, some scientists say. These
   smouldering peat bogs could release more carbon dioxide greenhouse gas
   into the atmosphere over the next six months than all the power
   stations and cars in Western Europe emit in a year, scientists from
   Britain, France and the U.S. have predicted. At the 11th World Forest
   Congress in Turkey in October, Indonesian officials said that
   Indonesia needs long-term assistance to build up a capability to
   prevent forest and bush fires.

   According to WWF report co-author Nigel Dudley, some forest fires do
   occur naturally and if carefully controlled can be a useful management
   tool. "However, the relationship between deliberate fires and natural
   forest ecosystems is becoming more and more dangerously unbalanced,"
   he said. "Many forests that burnt this year should never have burnt at
   all. In contrast, in some cases forests that should burn naturally are
   prevented from burning, leading to both ecological problems and more
   intense fires in the future."

   For example, in the United States, where forest fires are routinely
   suppressed, ecological processes are disrupted and the accumulation of
   flammable materials in forests poses a serious risk of greater and
   more destructive fires in the future. The report warns that "now the
   U.S. government is trying to use the risk of fire as an excuse for
   felling old-growth forests rich in wildlife to subsidise the logging
   industry."

   "People are responsible for this vicious circle and people must find
   the solutions," said Jeanrenaud. "Forests are an insurance policy. If
   we cash in the policy, what will be left for our children and the
   future of life on Earth? Governments must assume full responsibility
   for taking the threat of fires seriously and insuring that adequate
   legislation and prevention systems are in place to deal with this
   increasingly serious problem."

   WWF is calling on the international community to establish an
   International Court for the Environment that would arbitrate in cases
   where environmental mismanagement at the national level results in
   major impacts around the world.

   The Environment News Service is exclusively hosted by
   the [7]EnviroLink Network. Copyright   1997 ENS, Inc.

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5. URGENT ALERT:   Roadless Directive Exemptions

Date: Thu, 8 Jan 98 11:19:27 CST
From: Western Ancient Forest Campaign <wafcdc@igc.apc.org>
From: Steve Holmer <wafcdc@igc.apc.org>

TO:           All Forest Activists
FROM:     Steve Holmer
DATE:      January 7, 1997

SUBJECT:    Roadless Directive Exemptions

     Happy New Year!

     The WAFC staff is in town this week and has spread out across
Capitol Hill (and Administration offices) to promote roadless area
protection and the Miller ESA bill and to stop both the QLG and Smith
Forest Health bills as well as the Kempthorne ESA bill.

     Unfortunately, we continue to hear that the Tongass National
Forest and those forests under the Northwest Forest Plan will be
excluded from the Forest Service's proposed roadless area directive.
We need to keep increasing the pressure on the Administration to do
the right thing and protect all of the roadless areas, not just some.

     Please contact these Administration officials and urge them
to end logging in all roadless areas 1,000 acres and larger and on
all of the National Forests (there should be no exceptions such as
the Tongass NF or the Option 9 forests).

     Chief Michael Dombeck, 202/205-1661, 202/205-1765 fax,
     U.S. Forest Service, Washington, D.C. 20250

     Under Secretary of Agriculture Jim Lyons, 202/720-5166,
     202/720-4732 fax, USDA, Washington, D.C. 20250

     Katie McGinty, Director, CEQ, 202/456-6224, 202/456-2710
     fax, Old Executive Office Building, Washington, D.C. 20501

Steve Holmer
Campaign Coordinator

Western Ancient Forest Campaign
1025 Vermont Ave. NW  3rd Floor
Washington, D.C. 20005
202/879-3188
202/879-3189 fax
wafcdc@igc.org

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6. Sample Letters To Congress On Proposed ESA Legislation

Date: Fri, 9 Jan 98 09:07:41 CST
From: rich@pencil.wiscnet.net (Rich Winkel)
Organization: PACH

/** headlines: 142.0 **/
** Topic: Sample Letters To Congress On Proposed ESA Legislation **
** Written  5:33 PM  Jan  8, 1998 by econet in cdp:headlines **
/* Written 7:34 PM  Jan  7, 1998 by JeanLee@concentric.net in list.ar-news */
/* ---------- "Endangered Species Recovery Act" ---------- */

Hi All-

I'm reposting the following two letters since the legislators are back
and will be voting on these bills.  I've printed out the two letters I
wrote and invite you to copy (or customize) and mail them.  The first is
to your senators regarding S.1180.  This is Sen. Dirk Kempthorne's bill
and is NOT supported by plant and animal lover organizations.  It's been
described as jeopardizing the mission of the ESA to recover species in
peril.  It has 9 cosponsors.

The second letter is to your representative, H.R. 2351, and is the bill
animal rights people and most environmentalists support.  It's
described as reaffirming and strengthening the nation's commitment to
animals and plants and balances that with landowners' rights.  It now
has 88 cosponsors!

Dear Senator:

I don't think there's much disagreement that the Endangered Species Act
(ESA) needs improvements to make the law work better for people as well
as wildlife.  Unfortunately, S. 1180, The Endangered Species Recovery
Act, sponsored by Senator Dirk Kempthorne (R-ID), not only fails to
include many of these needed improvements, it erodes existing
protections that are essential to the survival of species:

  ~S. 1180 will allow private landowners and federal agencies to lock in
long-term habitat conservation plans that exempt them from further
conservation obligations and make future land management adjustments
nearly impossible - even where the survival of the species is at stake,
  ~Make it harder for the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service and National
Marine Fisheries Service to hold other agencies accountable for actions
that jeopardize species and result in critical habitat destruction,
  ~Add significant new bureaucratic burdens to the listing and recovery
planning process, thus ensuring that scarce agency resources will be
stretched even thinner and that the backlog in listings and recovery
planning will increase, and
  ~Allow industry representatives to have a greater role in key ESA
decision making while excluding other citizens from this process.

These are my very serious concerns about S. 1180 - special access for
special interests, taxpayer subsidized habitat destruction, roadblocks
to recovery, and weakened protections for species on public and private
lands.  This jeopardizes the mission of the ESA to recover species in
peril.

I urge you to oppose S. 1180 when it comes before you on the floor of
the Senate.

Sincerely yours,

Dear Congressman/Woman:

I don't think there's much disagreement that the Endangered Species Act
(ESA) needs improvements to make the law work better for people as well
as wildlife.  The ESA is one of the FEW laws that exist on the federal
books to protect animals.

H.R. 2351, The Endangered Species Recovery Act, sponsored by Rep. George
Miller, (D-CA), would reaffirm and strengthen the nationM-^Rs commitment to
wildlife and to protect our childrenM-^Rs future.  This bill would conserve
declining species before they near the brink of extinction, place a
deadline on listing decisions for candidate species, and provide
economic incentives to encourage voluntary conservation.

It is estimated that we are losing approximately 100 species every day.
Rather than weaken protection for fragile plants and animals, Congress
should strengthen protection so that species do not slip through
loopholes and cracks.

H.R. 2351 also does a good job of protecting the concerns of landowners
and business interests.  I urge you to cosponsor this crucial
legislation.

Sincerely yours,

** End of text from cdp:headlines **

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