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EarthWINS Daily #4.11
2/20/99
Date: Sat, 20 Feb 1999 16:26:04 -0800 (PST)
From: Alice McCombs <amccombs@igc.apc.org>
Contents
1. MEXICO: Cananea Miners Action Alert!
2. UKRAINE: Miner Fight Ends in Flames
3. RUSSIA: Labor Campaign Update
4. ROMANIA: Mining Leaders Sentenced
Stop the Siege!
Help the citizens of Nashville, Wisconsin
Tax-deductible contributions may be made to
Town of Nashville Legal Defense Fund
c/o Chuck Sleeter / Joanne Tacopina
P.O. Box 106
Pickerel, WI 54465
FAX: 715-478-2527
http://www.nashvillewiundersiege.com/index.html
Help@nashvillewiundersiege.com
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
1. MEXICO: Cananea Miners Action Alert!
Topic 194
CANANEA MINERS ACTION ALERT!
ddw
labr.global
5:44 PM Feb 19, 1999
(at jps.net)
Date: 02/19 4:26 PM
Received: 02/19 5:29 PM
From: Western Hemisphere
Conference, theorganizer@labornet.org
CANANEA MINERS ACTION ALERT!
[Please re-post and distribute widely.]
In this message:
1) Mineworkers in Cananea (Mexico) Wage
Bitter Strike Against Corporate Greed
2) Urgent Appeal in Support of the Mineworkers
in Cananea, Sonora (Mexico)
3) Cananea: Anatomy of a Bitter, Three-Month Strike
By GEMMA LOPEZ LIMON
MEXICALI, Mexico, Feb. 19 ã Close to three months after they
went out on strike to preserve their jobs against a deadly downsizing
onslaught, the 2000 mineworkers of Cananea were forced back to
work without obtaining any of the demands they had fought for.
Cananea is a small copper mining town in the northern Mexican state
of Sonora. [See story below for the entire background to
this strike.]
Over the weekend of Feb. 13-14, the strikers had occupied the
mines and mining facilities, insisting they would not leave until the
company, the Grupo Mexico, had met their demands. "The Cananea
mine is ours," a striking mineworker told the workers' general
assembly. "It belongs to our community and to the people of Mexico
ã not to the billionaires and their foreign friends. Our strike
is
about keeping our jobs, our livelihood ã and our dignity."
In response to the workers' occupation, the Army and Judicial
Police were mobilized and given orders to remove the strikers from
company property by any means necessary. Late in the afternoon of
Sunday, Feb. 14, faced with the threat of large-scale violence at the
hands of the Army and police, the strikers agreed to return to work.
It appeared that the strike had been lost.
For the next three days, the strikers slated to be laid off as a result
of
the closure of four production facilities were told that the company
would not be able to pay the estimated 1000 laid-off workers (out of
a total workforce of 2070) the severance payments they were entitled
to under their collective-bargaining agreement.
In addition to the threat of the "stick" that Sunday afternoon, the
strikers has been offered a "carrot" by the company, the mayor and
the national union leadership of the striking local: They were told
that all laid-off workers would receive their full severance pay and
that those workers close to retirement would be entitled to their
retirement benefits.
But this was not to be.
As of this writing, not one of the laid-off workers has accepted his
severance package. "What they're offering is an insult," a worker
who asked to remain anonymous reported by phone. "We were
promised full severance pay. This means they have to pay us a
certain amount of days per year based on the number of years we've
worked here. But the company is claiming this isn't so ã even
though it's spelled out black on white in our collective-bargaining
agreement. Again they are reneging on their promises."
The company, moreover, is refusing to pay all the strikers their gas,
water and electric bills for the three-month strike, as stipulated
in the
contract. Worse still, the company has openly violated Mexican
Labor Law by refusing to allow 135 workers back to work on the
grounds they were strike organizers. These are not workers in units
scheduled to be closed.
"The company is out to break our union and our collective-
bargaining agreement," the Cananea mineworker said. "Workers
here are so angry, they may be pushed to go back out on strike. If
they send in the Army at least we have a chance to fight back. If we
do nothing, it¼s slow death."
Given the urgency of the situation, the Cananea mineworkers are
calling on the national and international labor movement for support.
They are urging trade unions, union activists and supporters of trade
union rights the world over to send email messages and/or faxes to
the Mexican authorities to demand that the company fully respect the
union¼s collective-bargaining agreement.
We are reprinting below a sample letter of protest to be sent
directly to Mexican President Zedillo and/or Sonora State
Governor Armando Lopez Nogales.
If you prefer to send an email message, you can do so care of the
Mexicali Strike Support Committee at <glopez@faro.ens.uabc.mx>.
Sister Gemma Lopez Limon will make sure these messages are
forwarded to the Mexican authorities and to the mineworkers union
in Cananea.
Please send copies of your messages to Manuel Ernesto Romero,
General Secretary, District 65, National Mineworkers Union
(Cananea) to fax no. (011) 52-65-663-26543. Also please send
copies of your statements to the WHC Continuations Committee, c/o
San Francisco Labor Council (AFL-CIO), 1188 Franklin St. #203,
San Francisco, CA 94109 or fax (415) 440-9297. Their email address
is owc@igc.org.
***
2) Urgent Appeal in Support of the Mineworkers
in Cananea, Sonora (Mexico)
Dr. Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leon
President of Mexico
Fax: 011-525-516-5762
Lic. Armando Lopez Nogales
Governor of the State of Sonora
Hermosillo, Sonora, Mexico
Fax: 011-562-17-41-26
Dr. Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leon
Presidente de la Republica
Palacio Nacional
06067 Mexico, D.F.
Dear President Zedillo:
We are writing to express our deepest concern for the safety and
well being of the Cananea, Sonora, mineworkers and their families.
We support the striking miners, who are waging a completely
legitimate struggle to defend the jobs and their community against
a
deadly downsizing onslaught.
According to reports we have received, the company, Grupo
Mexico, has reneged on its promise to pay the laid-off workers the
full severance packages they are entitled to under their collective-
bargaining agreement. The company also appears to have blacklisted
135 workers on the grounds they were strike "organizers", thereby
denying them the right to return to their jobs. This is an open
violation of Mexico¼s labor legislation.
We are writing to urge you to insist that Mexican labor law and the
workers¼ collective-bargaining agreement are fully abided by
in
Cananea.
We also understand that government troops were mobilized over the
weekend of Feb. 13-14, 1999, for possible use to break the miners'
union at Cananea. If you use military force to support Grupo
Mexico and to attack the workers, you will expose to the world your
government's failure to respect the legal institutions established
to
handle legitimate disputes in Mexican society.
We call on the company and the authorities to resolve this conflict
based on the respect for the collective-bargaining agreement and the
democratic and trade union rights of the mineworkers of Cananea.
Thank you for your time and immediate attention to this extremely
serious situation.
Sincerely yours,
(your name and/or that of your union or organization)
********
3) Cananea: Anatomy of a Bitter, Three-Month Strike
Cananea, Sonora, remains alive in the memories of the Mexican
people. The historic strike of the Cananea mineworkers in 1906,
which was brutally repressed by the dictatorship of Porfirio Diaz,
heralded the outburst of the Mexican Revolution of 1910. It was the
tenacious struggle of the mineworkers and their families that resulted
in the nationalization of the Cananea mines ã the largest in
Mexico
and third largest in the world.
In 1989, the Mexican Army invaded Cananea: five thousand
soldiers occupied the town to prevent any resistance from the
mineworkers to the impending closure of the mines, based on the
fraudulent claim of bankruptcy. The mines are vital to the
community; 90 percent of the people depend on the mines for their
livelihood. It took the protracted fight of the mineworkers and the
Women¼s Front of Cananea to force the authorities to reopen
the
mines.
In 1990, the Mexican government privatized the mines, selling
them for US$450 million to Jorge Larrea, one of the richest men in
Mexico. The real value of the mines was estimated at US$3 billion.
>From that moment on, the problems began to mount for the
workers. Within months, close to 40 percent of the workforce ã
that is, 1300 workers ã was laid off. This left only 2070
mineworkers in Cananea.
Larrea, a close friend of former President Carlos Salinas de
Gortari, now in exile in Ireland, is the principal shareholder of the
recently privatized Sonora railway system. Soon after he bought the
company, Larrea and his Grupo Mexico laid off 700 workers in
Empalme and a similar number in Benjamin Hill, both of which are
close to ghost towns today. Today Larrea is seeking to buy the
entire port of Guaymas.
In recent months, the company escalated its assault upon the
mineworkers and the community. It began by openly violating
fundamental aspects of the collective-bargaining agreement ã
all in
the name of cost-cutting. Over the years, the Cananea workers had
won the best bargaining agreement in the mining industry.
But that was not all. The company decided to close down the
treatment plant, where the industrial waste from the processing plant
is treated before flowing into the local river. The employer also
announced the closure of the smelting and storage plants, warning
that 700 additional workers would be laid off. These decisions
represented a death sentence to the people of Cananea.
On November 18, 1998, the local mineworkers¼ union ã Section
65 of the National Mineworkers Union of the Mexican Republic ã
reached the conclusion that enough was enough and decided to go
out on strike. They followed all the provisions of Mexican labor law
to ensure this would be a legal strike. But this was not to be.
A few weeks into the strike, authorities in the state of Sonora ruled
the strike was illegal because some of the paperwork had been filed
"improperly." The Cananea strike, moreover, was opposed from the
get-go by the national leadership of the Mineworkers Union, which
is tied to the ruling party in Mexico, the PRI. The national union
leadership refused any support to the Cananea strikers on the
grounds their strike was illegal, and urged the local leadership to
call
off the strike and accept the bosses¼ terms.
But the strikers¼ determination was not swayed. For months, they
endured constant harassment and repression at the hands of the state
authorities. Arrest warrants were issued against leaders of the union.
In mid-January, the Judicial Police of Sonora illegally entered the
homes of two workers ã Rene Enriquez and Reynaldo Palomino
ã causing damage to their homes and terrorizing their families.
Strike support committees were formed in various cities across
Northern Mexico and in Arizona. (Cananea is only two hours by car
from the U.S. border.) And statements of support began pouring
from around the world, organized largely by the Organizing
Committee for the Open World Conference in Defense of Trade
Union Independence and Democratic Rights. One solidarity
statement was sent by the leadership of the Romanian mineworkers'
union in the Jiu Valley, whose march to Bucharest had forced the
government to agree to halt the closure of two "unproductive"
mines.
These solidarity statements were read at strikers¼ general assemblies,
buoying the workers¼ determination to continue the struggle
till
victory.
The showdown
On Thursday, Feb. 11, the executive board of the striking union
local ã Section 65 of the National Mineworkers Union of the
Mexican Republic ã returned to Cananea after a trip to Mexico
City, where they had met with leading government authorities as
well as the national leadership of their union. The executive board,
based on these discussions in Mexico City, unanimously
recommended calling off the strike and returning to work.
In Mexico City the leaders of Section 65 has been told by
functionaries of the Ministry of the Interior that if the strikers
did not
return to work by Feb. 16, their collective-bargaining agreement
would be rescinded ã which meant that the owners of the copper
mine, the Grupo Mexico, would be authorized to fire all the 2000
strikers and bring in a new scab workforce. The Mexican Army, the
authorities continued, would be given orders to escort the scabs to
heir new jobs.
Napoleon Gomez Sada, the general secretary of the National
Mineworkers Union ã a union which on a national level is directly
tied to the ruling party, the PRI ã told the delegation from
Cananea
that the national union leadership had already signed a return-to-
work agreement with the federal and state authorities. They told the
delegates from Section 65 in no uncertain terms that the strikers had
no option but to return to work by Feb. 16.
News of this agreement, signed behind the backs of the strikers and
their elected officers, angered the Feb. 11 general assembly of
mineworkers in Cananea. The agreed-upon settlement had given the
employers even more concessions than were initially on the table.
Four ã not three ã units would be closed, resulting in
as many as
1000 layoffs. The one carrot in the agreement, the strikers were
told, was that full severance payments, including medical coverage,
would be made to the laid-off workers.
Demoralized by this news, the strikers voted to call off the strike
and
return to work on Monday, Feb. 15. They simply could not
confront the entire might of the company and the state on their own.
The next day, however, workers who went to the company's Labor
Relations Department for more information about the severance
packages were told that the payments would be far less than they
were promised, and, moreover, medical insurance was not part of
the package. In addition, workers with only a few months left
before retirement would get no special dispensation.
Outraged by this news, the workers themselves convened a general
assembly of all the mineworkers on Sat., Feb. 13. There they
decided to go back on strike and to occupy the mines and all
company installations. And, for the first time, they voted to call
for
the renationalization of the mine.
The general secretary of Section 65, Manuel Ernesto Romero, joined
the majority of the workers and voted to support the new strike
actions. All other members of the executive board voted against.
By the next morning, the town of Cananea had been taken over by
squadrons of the Judicial Police. News reached the strikers that the
Army had encircled the town, waiting for orders to move in and
dislodge the strikers from the occupied facilities.
Then, in the early afternoon, a delegation consisting of strike leader
Manuel Ernesto Romero, the mayor of Cananea, two top
bureaucrats from the National Mineworkers Union in Mexico City,
and the heads of the Army and Judicial Police for the region, went
pit by pit and installation by installation to order the workers to
end
their occupation and return to work by 8 a.m. the following day.
Faced with the threat of large-scale violence at the hands of the
Army and police, the workers returned home. It appeared that the
strike had been lost. ã G.L.L.
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
2. UKRAINE: Miner Fight Ends in Flames
Topic 201
Ukraine Miner Fight Ends In Flames
labornews
labr.global
11:47 AM Feb 20, 1999
February 20, 1999 New York Times
Ukraine Miner Fight Ends in Flames
KRASNODON, Ukraine
(AP) -- On a bleak Monday
morning in December,
even the dawn seemed to
have forgotten
the drab coal towns of eastern
Ukraine, where
the miners had not been paid
in months.
Dozens of striking
miners were asleep,
huddling in
threadbare tents in Luhansk. The
men had been
on strike for five months over
back wages.
Tired police stood guard at the
local government
building, watching the
strikers' makeshift
camp.
There was a noise.
Something fell on the
ground. Then
a ball of fire exploded next to
a tree. Suddenly,
there were arms and legs
kicking out
from the flames and screams
piercing the
chilly air.
Oleksandr Mykhalevych,
a miner, had set
himself on fire.
He remained in critical
condition for
two weeks, with burns over most
of his body.
He died on Dec. 28, at age 35.
He had been on
strike to demand 3,600 hryvna,
about $1,050,
for nearly a year of back
wages.
------
Gray apartment
buildings tower in a
semicircle over
a snowy courtyard at one end
of Krasnodon.
The elevator is not working and
there is no
light in the stairway. Litter
covers the concrete
steps. Graffiti mars the
shabby walls.
A tiny living
room and two bedrooms on the
eighth floor
were Mykhalevych's home, a home
similar to those
of thousands of coal miners
across Ukraine.
A grainy, enlarged
passport photograph in a
cheap frame
shows the ordinary looking
ex-army officer,
who played guitar, wrote
poems to his
children and brought roses for
his wife.
Lyudmyla, his
widow, adjusts a burning candle
standing in
an empty mayonnaise jar in front
of her Sasha's
portrait. A glass of vodka
sits nearby,
covered with a slice of bread, a
traditional
offering to honor the dead.
He left three
children -- two boys and a
girl.
The youngest
son, 13-year-old Oleksiy, is
still in school.
Serhiy, 18, Lyudmyla's son
from her first
marriage, is the man of the
house. Oksana,
who will turn 15 in March,
brings a handkerchief
to her sobbing mother.
``He said, `When
I come back from the strike
we could have
a fourth child,''' Lyudmyla
says through
her tears.
Lyudmyla, a small,
lean woman of 40, cries a
lot these days.
------
Remembering the
old days, Lyudmyla says she
would wait up
for Oleksandr to return from
the overnight
shift. Walking from the bus
stop, he would
see the light in her window.
Fellow miners
would say, ``Look, your lady
already is waiting.''
And he would start
running.
People teased
Oleksandr for taking a wife
five years his
senior, and with a child by
another man.
So they moved
to Krasnodon, renting an
86-square-foot
room. The housing was poor but
they had hope
-- Ukraine's miners were
earning good
money in the Soviet days of the
late 1980s.
Oleksandr worked
hard. He helped battle two
mine fires.
Eventually, the family was given
a place in a
hostel for coal workers, then an
apartment of
their own.
------
The 1991 Soviet
collapse spelled trouble for
the coal industry
in Ukraine, which became an
independent
but poor nation. There were no
more government
subsidies for the mines. The
government said
it had to cut back because
the mines were
inefficient and badly
outdated. The
miners' wages were paid late
and then, for
months at a time, not paid at
all.
Oleksandr left
for Magadan in northeastern
Russia.
There, in the
region once dotted by Soviet
prison camps,
he worked for a year as a
gold-digger.
The money he brought home was
enough to buy
a garage and a small car.
For a while,
Oleksandr and Lyudmyla sold
gasoline. Then
Oleksandr returned to work in
a coal mine.
For several months, his wages
were paid, but
the delays started again. The
miners went
on working.
``How many times
Sasha would say, `You're so
tiny. I'm ashamed
that you have to support me
through all
those years.' And I told him:
`You're not
to blame; you work for days on
end, not even
taking holidays,'' Lyudmyla
says.
Finally, disgruntled
miners began going on
strike last
summer to demand their back pay.
Oleksandr was
one of 200 miners picketing the
regional administration
building in Luhansk.
For months,
they lived in tents, but failed
to get their
money. Oleksandr talked two
desperate workers
out of plans to burn
themselves to
death.
------
Then something snapped inside him.
Oleksandr was
home resting when he said he
must return
to the strike, that talks with
officials were
scheduled.
``He fell on
the bed and was tearing the
pillow with
his teeth, shouting that he did
not want to
leave but had to,'' Lyudmyla
says, sobbing.
That Sunday,
she found a note under the
pillow. ``Please
forgive me,' she read, and
thought he was
apologizing for not staying
the weekend
with his children.
Later, in a Luhansk
hospital, she saw her
husband just
once: but there was nothing to
see -- just
a bundle of bloodstained
bandages.
``If only he
stayed alive, even in a
wheelchair,
I would've taken care of him,''
she says. ``Perhaps
he is a hero. I'm proud
of him but I
can't justify him. He left us.''
Another letter
was found in a tent at the
strikers' campsite.
Both his notes were
written neatly
on pages torn from school
notebooks.
``I can no longer
suffer this mockery,''
Oleksandr wrote
to his wife and children. ``I
love you dearly
... I want to live very much
-- but not like
that.''
------
Several days
after Oleksandr set himself on
fire, the authorities
brought money to
Luhansk during
the night and paid the
protesters.
And Oleksandr's family.
There was a funeral,
with a coffin paid for
by Oleksandr's
mine. City officials demanded
money for burial
arrangements. The police
tried in vain
to persuade the family not to
have a public
funeral.
Lyudmyla was
offered a job at a milk plant or
a bread factory.
The meager salaries there
are at least
being paid on time.
``They say I
would get used to it, but now I
miss him even
more. I'm more and more
attracted to
him,'' she says.
``I put his photo
under the pillow. I thought
he would come
to me in my sleep but he
didn't.''
------
The imprint of
Oleksandr's burning body was
still visible
on that tree in Luhansk when
another miner,
Oleksandr Konariev, 37, a
father of three,
burned himself to death on
Jan. 22 to protest
the humiliation of not
being paid.
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
3. RUSSIA: Labor Campaign Update
Topic 203
Russia Labor Campaign Update
labornews
labr.global
12:07 PM Feb 20, 1999
/* Written 11:03 AM Feb 18, 1999 by icem.jc@pophost.eunet.be in
igc:alt.society
.la */
Brussels February 18, 1999
Dear Colleagues:
The ICEM cyber-campaign, Pay Us Our Wages!, in support of the Russian
workers struggle against the scandal of wage arrears has been
extensively updated. Read the campaign news section for details of
the
recent Miners Congress in Moscow, a report on the nationwide 3 day
teacher's protest and final overviews of last year's October 7 Day
of
Action. Read the campaign briefings for the latest figures of unpaid
wages and the on-going protests and demonstrations by Russian workers
and trade unions.
Use the cyber-protest links to send messages of protest to those
responsible for the scandal of unpaid wages.
In English:
http://www.icem.org/campaigns/no_pay_cc/index.html
In Russian:
http://www.icem.org/campaigns/no_pay_cc_rus/index.html
To Picket - Just Clickit!
In Solidarity,
Jim Catterson
Campaigns and Solidarity Officer
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
4. ROMANIA: Mining Leaders Sentenced
Topic 236
Romanian Mining Leaders Sentenced
labornews
labr.global
4:00 PM Feb 16, 1999
February 15, 1999
Romanian Mining
Leader Sentenced
BUCHAREST, Romania
(AP) -- A fiery union
chief who has
led Romanian coal miners on a
series of violent
protests was sentenced
Monday by the
Supreme Court to 18 years in
prison -- up
from 18 months -- for a deadly
1991 rampage.
Miron Cozma,
the coal miners' leader, already
has served the
18-month term. Interior
Ministry spokesman
Ion Petrescu said Cozma
would be arrested
shortly.
Yet the miners'
leader, who was sentenced in
absentia, later
appeared in front of the coal
mining company
in his home city of Petrosani,
150 miles northwest
of Bucharest, Romania's
capital.
Some 300 miners
gathering there to support
him shouted,
``Down with the government,''
and ``We'll
fight to our death ... to protect
Cozma.''
Cozma was convicted
in a deadly 1991 rampage
through Bucharest
that prompted Romania's
first post-communist
prime minister, Petre
Roman, to resign.
On Monday, the
high court upheld Cozma's
conviction for
illegally possessing firearms,
undermining
state authority and jeopardizing
railway traffic.
In addition to extending his
sentence, the
court also banned Cozma from
entering Bucharest
and Petrosani for five
years after
he gets out of prison.
The Supreme Court
did not explain the change
in sentence.
Last month, a
five-day march by Cozma's
miners threatened
the government and dealt a
blow to its
efforts to boost foreign
investment in
the impoverished country.
In Petrosani,
Cozma told the miners, ``They
gave me 18 years
in prison for what? For
demanding your
rights!''
``Let's get organized
and get ready to leave
for Bucharest.
This time we shall go the
whole way,''
he said, referring to a
negotiated end
of the January march just
before the miners
reached the capital city.
Miners first
rampaged through the capital in
1990, breaking
up a pro-democracy protest.
Six people died
in street battles that lasted
several days.
Cozma was never
charged in connection with
those clashes.
Then-President Ion Iliescu
thanked him
and his followers for ``restoring
order'' to the
city.
But on Sept.
24, 1991, about 5,000 coal
miners from
Romania's Jiu Valley, headed by
Cozma, commandeered
trains and traveled to
the capital.
Subsequent clashes left three
people dead
and nearly 300 injured. The prime
minister stepped
down several days later to
meet the miners'
demand.
Last month, at
least 200 people were injured
in clashes with
police when Cozma led 10,000
miners on a
violent protest march across much
of Romania,
demanding higher wages and no
layoffs in Jiu
Valley's 13 mines.
The march stopped
short of Bucharest only
after Prime
Minister Radu Vasile promised the
miners wage
increases of up to 35 percent if
they come up
with a plan to reduce losses at
unprofitable
mines by 20 percent this year.
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